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THE WAR 

AS VIEWED BY A LIBERAL ENGLISHMAN 



(With some special words to 
German-Americans" and "Pacifists") 



BY 

H, S. PERRIS, M. A. 

Author of "Pax Britannica " 

Secretary of the British-American Centenary Committee 

and of the Committee of Sulgrave Manor 



Published by 

THE SULGRAVE INSTITUTION (Incorporated) 

Temporary Office ; 

3903 WooLWORTH Building 

New York 



FOREWORD. 

The following pages were given, in the form 
of a Lecture, at Cornell University, on October 
30th, 1917. This may serve to explain the direct 
method of address frequently adopted. 

H. S. Ferris. 
New York, November, 1917. 



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THE WAR 

As viewed by a Liberal Englishman. 



"DEUM-TAPS" FOR PEACE. 

I have had many years' experience of work 
for International Peace, — and I do not regret 
one of them. With voice and pen I have labored 
and pleaded for many years for a method of 
adjusting the differences between nations without 
recourse to the sword. I have attended, spoken 
at, and helped to organize many peace-meetings, 
conferences, and congresses; and have assisted in 
welcoming and entertaining in London delega- 
tions of German burgomasters, pastors and work- 
men, when they came there on an errand of 
conciliation and concord. I regret nothing of all 
this work, and adhere still to the principles I then 
held. 

But from the day when Germany, in August 
1914, violated the neutrality of Belgium and com- 
menced her assault upon the peace and liberties 
of Europe and the world, I realized (as did al- 
most the whole of my countrymen) that "peace- 
talk" was of no avail at such a moment. — in such 
an emergency ; and that for the sake of that very 
Peace we loved and wished to preserve, — a Peace 
founded in justice and freedom, and buttressed 
with fair-dealing and honor, — the aggressor must 
be opposed by the only weapon he could under- 
stand ; and that for the time being (and by no 
choice of ours) the force of argument must be 
supplemented, protected, and vindicated by the 
argument of force. 

And so, though all my previous interests and 
occupations had been ahen to war and war- 
making, I came to recognize that, like Walt 
Whitman in his "Drum-Taps," I must say : 

In peace I chanted peace ; but now the drum of war is 

mine, 
War, red war is my Song through your streets, O city ! 

Now I imagine that, in this respect, my point 
of view is very similar to that of many Ameri- 
cans. I believe that a complete and final victory 



over Germany and her allies in this war is a 
necessary, however costly, prelude to any further 
advance along the road of international pacifica- 
tion. In this sense I accept as valid the famous 
phrase of Mr. H. G. Wells that this is a "war to 
end War." This thought is worth a brief ex- 
amination. 



THE PEACE-RECORD OF THE ENGLISH- 
SPEAKING PEOPLES. 

I claim that the American and British peoples 
have well proved their right to use this expres- 
sion, and to describe the War in these terms. 

From the time when the modern process of 
international arbitration began, in 1794, until the 
end of the 19th century, the United States and 
Great Britain had more frequently taken their 
various international disputes before an impartial 
Tribunal of Arbitration than any other of the 
Great Powers. Senator La Fontaine, in his "His- 
toire Sommaire des Arbitrages Internationaux," 
says that they did this 126 times, thus "giving a 
magnificent example to the world." 

Before the outbreak of the war powerful and 
representative national committees in the United 
States, England, and Canada had been busily 
preparing to celebrate the completion, on Christ- 
mas Eve, 1914, of One Hundred Years of Peace 
among English-speaking peoples. This hundred 
years' peace had been one long series of triumphs 
of the arts of conciliation and constructive paci- 
fication. One has only to mention the bloodless' 
settlement of the Maine Boundary dispute in 
1842, of the Oregon Boundary dispute in 1846, 
of the "Trent" and "Alabama" affairs arising out 
of the Civil War, of the Behring Sea quarrel and 
the Venezuela incident, — and above all, to call as 
witness the disarmament (ever since the Rush- 
Bagot Agreement of 1817) of the 3,840 miles of 
land and water frontier stretching between Cana- 
da and the United States, — to realize the gov- 
erning motives and desires for peace of the two 
great branches of the English-speaking peoples. 

Neither England nor America desired this 
war, prepared for it, or precipitated it. Having 
been forced into it by the ruthless aggression and 
shameless conduct of Germany, they will fight it 
through to a decisive and victorious conclusion in 



the name of treaty-faith and international honor, 
and for the sake of peace itself. That the na- 
tions should have to tread the bloody path of this 
via dolorosa is not the fault of the English-speak- 
ing peoples, which had proved by acts their 
desire for a better way to peace. 

A WAR FOR THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACY. 

But this war is not only, as Mr. Wells called 
it, a "war to end War." It is also, as President 
Wilson has pointed out, a war "to make the 
world safe for democracy." It is a war against 
the last strong citadels of feudalism and autocra- 
cy in old Europe. Since the fall of Czardom in 
Russia this meaning of the great conflict has be- 
come increasingly plain. What a debt of just 
vengeance the world owes to the Kaiser, to 
"King Fox" of Bulgaria, to Constantine, and to 
the little clique of Turks who "run" the impotent 
Sultan ! On Constantine punishment has fallen. 
Death has taken the Austrian Emperor to be 
judged by a Higher Court. Does anyone doubt 
that William of HohenzoUern, and Ferdinand, 
and the blood-stained gang at Constantinople will 
meet their due deserts? 

The question remains : Can the democracies 
"make good" in this vast struggle? 

This much, at least, is certain, that glorious 
France and chivalrous and indomitable England 
have already proved that they can stand the test. 
And it is just these two ancient countries, full of 
years, achievements, and experience, yet ever 
young for liberty, that have taught the world the 
idea and content of democracy. 

Russia has caught the contagion of freedom, 
but must get through its period of high fever be- 
fore it can fully take its destined part, and "pull 
its weight" in the final struggle. 

And now, to the joy of all free peoples the 
world over, the great American democracy has 
stepped into the ring. In intervening, you Ameri- 
cans have broken through all your earlier polit- 
ical traditions. And of necessity. In the world 
of to-day a thousand discoveries are helping us to 
realize that as nations, as well as in our individual 
capacity, "we are members one of another." 

The "glorious isolation" which was prudent 
and natural in the past is to-day neither possible 



nor desirable. Americans are fulfilling their 
national destiny by grappling boldly with their 
international duties and realizing their proper 
international affiliations. 

Your period as colonies of the Mother Country 
may be called your period of Dependence. 

From the Revolution until the spring of the 
present year was your second stage of growth, — 
the period of Independence. 

From April 2nd, 1917, will be dated your pe- 
riod of Inter-Dependence. 

Yes ! is it not true of nations, as of individuals, 
that "all the body is fitly framed and knit to- 
gether by that which every joint supplieth" and 
that it is only by "the working together of each 
several part" that the countries of the world can 
ever fulfill their mighty destiny of becoming "the 
kingdoms of our God and of His Christ"? 

And so it is that, just as the Declaration of 
Independence launched the great American nation 
upon its separate career, so President Wilson's 
address to Congress of April 2nd, 191 7, was, in 
effect, the beginning of an even higher and riper 
stage of manhood for this nation, — its Declaration 
of Inter-Dependence, — its hand-clasp to democ- 
racy and freedom everywhere, — its trumpet-call 
to a united assault upon the last entrenchments 
of that Imperialism which dared, even in this 20th 
century, to threaten the liberties of mankind. 

A WORD TO AMERICANS OF GERMAN BIRTH. 

At this point I would ask leave, as a Liberal 
Englishman, to oft'er some remarks to any Ameri- 
cans who may be of Germanic origins or affilia- 
tion. It is of vast importance, not only for them- 
selves, but for America and the world, that they 
should realize clearly the issues involved in the 
present war. I want them to ask themselves this 
question: Which Germany is it that you love? 

Is it the Germany of Goethe and Schiller, of 
Kant and Beethoven? If so. be assured that the 
world has no quarrel with the Germany of real 
"culture" ; with the Germany of liberal and hu- 
man outlook and sympathies, the mother of 
modern song, the Germany of sweet home-life, of 
industrious research, of solid scientific and intel- 
lectual attainment, of commercial enterprise and 
civic initiative. This Germany commands nothing 



but the respect and admiration of thoughtful 
Englishmen and Americans, — indeed, of Hberal- 
minded men and women the world over. With 
this Germany zve are not at zvar, and have no 
desire or intention of being. 

But in the last half-century a new Germany — • 
a Germany under Prussian domination, has taken 
shape; and it is this new and terrible portent of 
a Prussianized German Empire, acting as the 
Bully of Europe and the Disturber of the World's 
Peace, that has ranged against itself and its 
dependents and adherents almost the whole civi- 
lized world. 

A brilliant American writer, Mr. Owen Wister, 
has well described this process of national cor- 
ruption and degeneration. "Prussia," he says, 
"put its uniform not only on German bodies but 
on their brains. Literature and music grew 
sterilized. Scientific eminence degenerated.... 
Out of the fumes emerged three colossal shapes : 
the Super-man, the Super-race, and the Super- 
state — the new Trinity of German worship." 
"During forty years," adds Mr. Wister, "Ger- 
many sat within her wall, learning and repeating 
Prussian incantations." 

Now it is this Germany — a militarized and 
anti-democratic machine, with its absurd Kaiser 
mouthing the words of mediaeval monarchy by 
divine right, rattling its sabre, bursting with na- 
tionalist egotism, straddling right across the path 
of aspiring and constructive internationalist ef- 
ort, — that was justly feared and distrusted before 
July, 1914, and that in that fateful month, 
urged by the relentless logic of its creed and the 
imperious pride of its military caste, plunged 
Europe and the world into this most terrible and 
devastating war. 

And this is not the Germany with which Ameri- 
cans of Teutonic origins or affiliations can afford 
to sympathize — if they wish to remain loyal 
Americans and intelligent citizens of the world. 

At this crisis in the history of civilization it is 
necessary that the distinction which I have just 
drawn should be recognized with courage and 
decision. 

The civilized v/orld has no quarrel with the first 
Germany of which I have spoken ; but, be as- 
sured, it will never make peace with the second. 

To which allegiance are you going to pledge 
yourself? What peace or accommodation can 



there be, in the nature of things, between Priis- 
sianism as we have seen it at work in Belgium, in 
France, in Russia, in the Balkans, in Armenia, 
during the present war, — and the principles and 
ideals, the constitutional habits and liberties, upon 
which is built this great American commonwealth, 
■ — which has given you welcome, sheltered you, 
and to which your pledged and grateful loyalty 
are due ? 

In the English "Contemporary Review" for 
April, 1916, I wrote the following words; and, 
though torrents of the blood of our brave British 
lads have been shed since then, in this war against 
German aggression, I would not, to-day, take 
back one single word : 

"Would that in Germany some glimmering of 
the dawn of a new and better day would manifest 
itself! We cannot if we would, and we would 
not if we could, blot the German people from the 
map of Europe. When the last shot has been 
fired, some fifty or sixty millions of them will 
remain ; and the world will be better and happier 
if we can live with them in peace instead of 
anger. We will fight until we conquer them, be- 
cause we believe that our cause is just, and that 
they are the victims of an intolerable oppression 
which threatens the liberties of Europe and of the 
whole world, and that this monster can only be 
overthrown by the destruction of its power and 
prestige by force of arms. But we will not hate 
the people. The day is coming when they will be 
redeemed from the yoke of the militarist, when 
the creed of Force which they have been taught 
to repeat will become so loathsome to them that 
they will not let it pass their lips. 

"Our English historian Green taught us that 
'for the fatherland of the English race we must 
look far away from England itself — to the Teu- 
ton lands and marshes about the mouths of the 
Weser and Elbe. When this tumult is over, we 
shall remember that we were intended to be breth- 
ren, comrades. And this dream will come true, 
if, pondering with aching hearts the meaning and 
causation of this present war, we resolve to have 
done with the errors of the past, and to com- 
mence the rebuilding of Europe in accordance 
with the ripest judgment, the soundest deductive 
faculty, the most courageous constructive states- 
manship, that society can summon to achieve its 
redemption." 

8 



But the war is not yet won : and it must be 
won, at whatever cost, and the aggression of 
Prussian imperialism — the whole godless doctrine 
of militarism of which the German government 
and the German army have been and remain the 
chief expression and champion — must be finally 
defeated and overthrown. Not only the fate of 
democracy, but the future of civilization, — the 
very opportunity of a just and stable pacification 
of the world — is at stake in this contest ; and 
there can be no terms of accommodation until the 
final victory of right has been registered and the 
German people themselves, as well as the rest of 
mankind, have been freed for ever from this ac- 
cursed creed of Moloch to which they have sub- 
mitted themselves in bondage, and which has 
plunged the whole world into a hell of carnage, 
devastation, and misery. 

And so the call comes to all true Americans of 
German origin to realize clearly in their own 
mind and conscience the dread summons of duty 
which has sounded for them, and the solemn 
alternative from which there can be no escape. 

So far as I know it has never been more clearly 
stated than by a well-known American — Mr. Otto 
Kahn, who is himself of German origin and who 
knows Germany well. His words, — for which I 
venture, with sincere admiration and respect, to 
thank him, are as follows : 

"As Washington led Americans of British 
blood to fight against Great Britain, as Lincoln 
called upon Americans of the North to fight 
their very brothers of the South, so Americans 
of German descent are now summoned to join in 
our country's righteous struggle against a people 
of their own blood, which under the evil spell of 
a dreadful obsession, and, Heaven knows, through 
no fault of ours, has made itself the enemy of 
this peace-loving nation, as it is the enemy of 
peace and right and freedom throughout the 
world. 

"To gain America's independence, to defeat op- 
pression and tyranny, was indeed to gain a great 
cause. 

"To preserve the Union, to eradicate slavery, 
was perhaps a greater still. 

"To defend the very foundations of liberty and 
humanity, the very groundwork of fair dealing 
between nations, the very basis of peaceable living 
together among the peoples of the earth against 



the fierce and brutal onslaught of ruthless, law- 
less, faithless might; to spend the lives and the 
fortunes of this generation so that our descend- 
ants may be freed from the dreadful calamity of 
war and the fear of war, so that the energies and 
billions of treasure now devoted to plans and in- 
struments of destruction may be given hence- 
forth to fruitful works of peace and progress and 
to the betterment of the conditions of the people, 
that is the highest cause for which any people 
ever unsheathed its sword." 



THE UNITED STATES IN THE WAR. 

But it is time to turn to the actual course of 
the Great War in Europe. Your country has now 
reached the stage of action, and we are all watch- 
ing, with thrilled and painful interest, the critical 
moments of the great struggle. 

I will not attempt to speak to you of its awful 
horrors, its incredible sufferings, the unimagi- 
nable losses in blood and treasure that it has 
caused. 

I would rather turn your thoughts to its duties, 
and to its heroisms ; and pay my humble and 
heartfelt tribute to the gallant soldiers and sailors, 
the devoted and self-sacrificing home workers, the 
women-watchers and helpers, who for three long 
years and more have borne the burden of this 
cruel and devastating conflict. 

Now you Americans, too, have come to share 
these sorrows and sacrifices ; to lay your gift, by 
the side of those of England, France and their 
allies, on the altar of freedom and justice. 

For many in this country it is a time of sad 
partings and eager expectancy, as your lads sail 
across the ocean on their brave and venturous 
crusade. We, English, too, have passed through 
this phase, and can feel with you. From what 
sources will you Americans draw faith and 
courage for the days of testing that now await 
you? 

First of all, I think, from a sense of flie justice 
of your cause. 

I need not again enter into the question of the 
origin of this war. The case has been fully and 
freely tried before the court of your public opin- 
ion, and the verdict has been given. "Secnrus 
judicat orbis terrarum." The American people, 



like the British and French people, are resolved 
that the Prussianism to which this world-tragedy 
is due must be finally defeated and overthrown, 
that freedom and international faith and comity 
may live again. 

Secondly, from the memory of your ozvn his- 
tory and traditions. 

This nation was made by a line of brave and 
free men. Robinson and Brewster ; Raleigh and 
Captain John Smith ; Miles Standish and Roger 
Williams ; Winthrop and Endicott and William 
Penn ; Washington and Lincoln — this is an heroic 
ancestry ; and it is not to be thought of that a 
nation bred of such a stock should fail the cause 
of freedom and civilization at the hour of its 
direst need. Noblesse oblige ! Those who best 
know your origins and the quality of the main 
stream in your blood have no fears that the 
American people will not play its part worthily 
and greatly. 

Next, there is the knowledge of your great al- 
lies in the zvar. 

You will be glad to stand behind and beside of 
gallant little Belgium. You have already, by your 
splendid charity, brought comfort and relief to 
her suffering people. Now, by your arms, you 
will be able to help to secure that, in the end, 
Belgium shall receive "beauty for ashes, the oil 
of joy for mourning, and the garment of praise 
for the spirit of heaviness"; that "for her shame 
she shall have double ; and for confusion she shall 
rejoice in her portion." 

You will be glad to stand beside Italy. Loyal 
and chivalrous in her time and method of entering 
the war, she will be purified and strengthened by 
her losses and sufferings. When Garibaldi ad- 
dressed his patriot followers, he did not promise 
them an easy march to victory, but "forced 
marches, short rations, bloody battles, wounds, 
imprisonment and death." In such a spirit Italy 
will again achieve her liberation, and you will be 
proud to help her in the task. 

To convulsed and stricken Russia you will be 
glad, if she will let you, to bring good counsel, 
help, and comradeship. Unless the disease that 
racks her frame has struck too deep, she will do 
well to look for light and for disinterested friend- 
ship to free America, rather than accept the 
Judas-kiss of Prussia. 



Belgium, Serbia, Roumania, are wounded little 
nations that need your help ; Russia, a Samson 
Agonistes that your quick and liberal aid may 
help to rescue from the wily net in which he is 
enmeshed. 

In France, — beautiful and indomitable France 
— you will have an ally by the side of whom you 
will feel proud and honored to stand. You will 
do this for the sake of the debt you owe her, — 
for she was probably the decisive factor in 
helping you to win your independence. You will 
do it for the sake of her sufferings. P^or the first 
two years of the war she had, for all our sakes, 
to bear its greatest and most terrible burden on 
the Western front. Never shall we forget her 
brave word : "They shall not pass !" You will do 
it, above all, for the sake of her spirit, because 
France is France, and the world would be in- 
finitely poorer if the French spirit, the French in- 
tellect, French style, were lost to it, and France's 
beautiful and hallowed soil polluted longer by the 
tread of the jack-boot of the Prussian bully. In 
her case, too, we must build the old wastes, raise 
up the old desolations, and repair the waste cities. 
France must be given the power to rise again, 
stronger and more beautiful than ever, from this 
long and bitter day of grief and sacrifice, that she 
may help to shape and guide and inspire the new 
world that is to be. 

And, lastly, you Americans will have as your 
ally old England, the motherland of liberty, the 
founder of a world-wide commonwealth of free 
nations, the age-long champion of freedom 
against tyranny. What joy it is to find Britain 
and America comrades in arms for a great and 
unselfish cause ! What promise for the future 
this sacred reunion contains ! 

In a remarkable book on "England and the 
War" by a Frenchman, Andre Chevrillon, the 
author draws a vivid picture of the awakening of 
the English people to their task and their duty in 
the early months of the war. "England's 
awakening," he writes, "to the unexpected and 
tremendous realities of the war ; her gradual 
discovery of her enemy's deadly hatred and pur- 
pose; the rising and spreading of the idea that 
in time of national peril military service is a duty 
of every able-bodied Englishman ; the appeal to 
the individual conscience ; the working of the 
mind which resulted in millions voluntarily taking 



the pledge (to serve) ; the dead-weight of old 
traditions, habits and prejudices; the cross and 
counter-currents of class and party ideas ; .... 
finally, the fusion of all tendencies into one col- 
lective will and movement . . . . ; such facts be- 
long to the spiritual order, to that life of the 
soul from which spring all the material acts and 
productions of man." 

Speaking of the poster-appeals for volunteers 
for the Kitchener armies in England, M. Chevril- 
lon says : "The feeling of imperative duty is the 
suggestion aimed at by all these pictures, that 
form a matchless document on the inner nature 
of the English soul .... The English character 
is a combination of will and conscience : the in- 
violable will of the individual who has sole con- 
trol of himself; the conscience which meditates 
in silence, stirs to action, and ordains the 
sacrifice." 

What a part the free peoples of the British 
Commonwealth of Nations have played and are 
playing, by sea and by land in this record-break- 
ing contest ! No honest and observant person 
can speak of Britain's record with any other 
feeling than that of amazement at the grandeur 
of her uprising, admiration of her mighty efforts 
and sacrifices, and gratitude that once again, as 
formerly in the struggle against Napoleon, Eng- 
land has stood in the breach at a critical hour for 
the world's civilization, has not shrunk from 
gathering the sharpest spears of the foe into her 
own breast, and has gained time until the forces 
of great America shall be gathered which shall 
help finally to strike down the foe that has 
threatened and endangered liberty and democ- 
racy throughout the world. 

In thus once more saving Europe by her ex- 
ertions and example, England has incurred the 
bitter hatred of the War Lords. But she has 
been able the more easily to bear this, knowing 
that, from the best American hearts, there has 
been an upsurging of brotherly affection for her, 
— a strengthening and stimulating memory of 
kinship, in blood, institutions, and ideals which 
bridges the separating ocean, and draws the 
English-speaking peoples together in these days 
of common suffering and danger. To the Ger- 
man "Hymn of Hate," such an American (I 
would like to grasp his hand !) replied as 
follows : 



13 



THE HYMN OF LOVE. 
(An American Tribute to the Glory of England.) 

A song of hate is a song of Hell ; 
Some there be that sing it well. 
Let them sing it loud and long, 
We lift our hearts in a loftier song; 
We lift our hearts to Heaven above, 
Singing the glory of her we love — 
Eiiglaiid! 

Glory of thought and glory of deed, 
Glory of Hampden and Runnymede ; 
Glory of ships that sought far goals, 
Glory of swords, and glory of souls ! 
Glory of songs mounting as birds, 
Glory immortal of magical words ; 
Glory of Milton, glory of Nelson, 
Tragical glory of Gordon and Scott; 
Glory of Shelley, glory of Sidney, 
Glory transcendent that perishes not, — 
Hers is the story, hers be the gloiy — 
England! 

Shatter her beauteous breast ye may; 
The spirit of England none can slay. 
Dash the bomb on the Dome of St. Paul's, — 
Deem ye the fame of the Admiral falls? 
Pry the stone from the chancel floor, — 
Dream ye that Shakespeare shall live no more? 
Where is the giant shot that kills 
Wordsworth walking the old green hills? 
Trample the red rose on the ground, — 
Keats is beauty while earth spins round ! 
Bind her, grind her, burn her with fire, 
Cast her ashes into the sea, — 
She shall escape, she shall aspire. 
She shall arise to make men free ; 
She shall arise in sacred scorn, 
Lighting the lives that are yet unborn ; 
Spirit supernal, splendor eternal — 
England! 

Americans and Englishmen alike, as they go 
forward with this great conflict, will be stirred 
and strengthened by memories of these great 
traditions that they have inherited, and of the 
sacred fires of freedom of which Providence has 
made them the chief guardians in this present 
age. Old differences and misunderstandings will 
be forgotten as they realize — in the fierce light of 
this awful struggle — how small were the things 
that divided, and how great are the things that 
unite them. And out of this recognition of their 
essential unity of aim and ideal will come a new 
hope and courage to face the difficult future. 

Britons and Americans both, we must try to 
realize that this war is, properly regarded, a 

14 



divine judgment day, — a veritable Day of the 
Lord. In the crucible of this war the future of 
your children and children's children, — as of ours 
in old Europe, — is being fashioned. Blood and 
tears the war will cost you in abundance, and 
you will not shrink from adding yours to that 
which has already been shed. The main thing 
is that we should be assured that God is "tramp- 
ling out the vintage where the grapes of wrath 
are stored," and that "His truth is marching on." 
Certain it is that our cause is so sacred that we 
must and will endure to the end. Liberty is a 
costly treasure to purchase and to hold. Old 
tyrannies are not cheaply to be overthrown. Re- 
demption means much shedding of precious 
blood. But there will be no faltering when once 
the meaning and purpose of it all is undersood. 

He hath sounded forth the trumpet that shall never call 

retreat ; 
He is sifting out the hearts of men before His judgment 

seat ; 
O! be swift, my soul to answer Him! be jubilant my 

feet! 
Our God is marching on ! 

In the spirit and under the inspiration of those 
noble words your fathers struck down slavery on 
this American continent. 

In the same spirit you are coming now to join 
Great Britain and France in the heavy but sub- 
lime task of freeing Europe and the world from 
a form of slavery worse because more insidious, 
— slavery to the dogmas and practice of a ruth- 
less militarism and Cassarism. 

Properly understood this great venture of ours 
is a necessary preliminary to that subsequent 
Healing of the Nations which is the deep desire 
of all our hearts. 

And, believing this, I say — lover of peace as 
I am — "God speed America's arms in this war ! 
God hasten and complete the victory of our right- 
eous cause!" 



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